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April 23rd, 2025next

April 23rd, 2025: Hey, did you know I wrote a choose-your-own-path STAR TREK: LOWER DECKS book last year? Well GOOD NEWS EITHER WAY, it's a finalist for both a Hugo and an Aurora award! That is extremely awesome and I'm very happy. If you've ever wanted to read an interactive AWARD-NOMINATED Star Trek comic, might I recommend WARP YOUR OWN WAY??

– Ryan

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April 21st, 2025next

April 21st, 2025: Hey, did you know I wrote a choose-your-own-path STAR TREK: LOWER DECKS book last year? Well GOOD NEWS EITHER WAY, it's a finalist for both a Hugo and an Aurora award! That is extremely awesome and I'm very happy. If you've ever wanted to read an interactive AWARD-NOMINATED Star Trek comic, might I recommend WARP YOUR OWN WAY??

– Ryan

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Posted by Victor Mair

These are remarks by Ron Vara from here:

ᱮᱞᱚᱱ ᱨᱤᱣ ᱢᱩᱥᱠ ( /ˈiːlɒn/ EE-lon; ᱡᱟᱱᱟᱢ ᱡᱩᱱ ᱒᱘, ᱑᱙᱗᱑) ᱩᱱᱤ ᱫᱚ ᱢᱤᱫ ᱵᱮᱯᱟᱨᱤᱭᱟᱹ ᱠᱟᱱᱟᱭ ᱚᱠᱚᱭ ᱫᱚ ᱩᱱᱤᱭᱟᱜ ᱢᱩᱲᱩᱫ ᱵᱷᱩᱢᱤᱠᱟ Tesla, Inc., SpaceX, ᱟᱨ ᱴᱩᱭᱴᱚᱨ (ᱡᱟᱦᱟᱸ ᱩᱱᱤ ᱮᱠᱥ ᱞᱮᱠᱟᱛᱮ ᱧᱩᱛᱩᱢ ᱵᱚᱫᱚᱞ ᱮᱱᱟ) ᱨᱮ ᱵᱟᱰᱟᱭᱚᱜ ᱠᱟᱱᱟ᱾

This is the first sentence in the article Elon Musk in Santali alphabet (Ol Chiki). Yes, it's an alphabetic writing system, not an abugida. What makes the Santali alphabet really elusive is that it resembles the shapes of the undeciphered Indus Valley script. Soviet archaeologists once tried to decipher IVC seals using Santali alphabet. Sounds ridiculous, but it's a sad truth that Santali is a unique language with little to no academic attention having been paid to it.

What makes Santali language itself stand out is the lack of "indianization" as compared to even Southeast Asian Austroasiatic languages like Mon and Khmer. Its phonology is still archetypically East Asian with a superimposed South Asian areal layer. Its morphology is somewhat mixed between SEA Austroasiatic prefixing and (self-innovative) highly polysynthetic verb akin to the Kiranti languages (spoken ~20 kilometres away in Nepal), so Santali is not remotely influenced by Sanskrit, except for a few Austroasiatic loanwords in early Vedic Sanskrit.

 

Selected readings

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Posted by Victor Mair

Some folks seem to think so, but not Benjamin James who wrote this letter to the London Review of Books, 47.6 (April 3, 2025), p. 4:

Simple Script

In his fascinating article on the recent decipherment of Linear Elamite, Tom Stevenson finds it difficult to accept that 'the Latin or Greek writing systems are simpler or "more precise" than mostly logographic writing systems like written Chinese' (LRB, 6 March). Does he really believe Chinese script is just as suited as Latin to the rendering of foreign words? 'Tom Stevenson' is far simpler and more phonetically precise than 汤姆•史帝⽂森,'Tangmu Shidiwénsen', which adds two syllables, six tones and six individual character meanings. The Committee for Language Reform in China acknowledged the relative simplicity of the Latin script as one of the factors behind its abandonment in 1956 of the attempt to develop a phonetic script based on Chinese characters.

If Stevenson says this because he thinks the idea of one script being simpler than another is somehow discriminatory (as well as untrue), then he might prefer to consider the example of the long-vanished Tangut people, who possessed, according to the Tangutologist Gerard Clauson, 

one of the most inconvenient of all scripts, a collection of nearly 5800 characters of the
same kind as Chinese characters but rather more complicated . . . It is extremely difficult to remember them, since there are few recognisable indications of sound and meaning in the constituent parts of a character, and in some cases characters which differ from one another only in minor details of shape or by one or two strokes have completely different sounds and meanings, Imagination boggles at the thought of teaching typesetters to set it up. 

The Tangut script, supposedly created by a single Chinese bureaucrat in 1038, died out at the start of the 16th century – to the probable relief of future generations, who were free to write in Chinese, Tibetan, Mongolian or some other comparatively simple script.

Here I would like to pay tribute to two Tangutologists:

Sir Gerard Leslie Makins Clauson (1894-1974) — larger than life, he was "an English civil servant, businessman, and Orientalist best known for his studies of the Turkic languages. He was born in Malta."  Here I am celebrating his achievements in Tangut studies, but his accomplishments in Turkology were. to me, supernatural.  When I behold his An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish (Oxford: Clarendon Press [1972]), which was almost like a bible for me when I was studying Old Turkish and Tocharian (!!), I think that alone would be enough for any scholar to produce in one lifetime, but there is much more:

Clauson attended Eton College, where he was Captain of School, and where, at age 15 or 16, he published a critical edition of a short Pali text, "A New Kammavācā" in the Journal of the Pali Text Society. In 1906, when his father was named Chief Secretary for Cyprus, he taught himself Turkish to complement his school Greek. He studied at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, in classics, receiving his degree in Greats, then became Boden Scholar in Sanskrit, 1911; Hall-Houghtman Syriac Prizeman, 1913; and James Mew Arabic Scholar, 1920. During World War I, he fought in the battle of Gallipoli but spent the majority of his effort in signals intelligence, concerned with German and Ottoman army codes.

These were the years in which the great Central Asian expeditions of Sven Hedin, Sir Aurel Stein and others were unearthing new texts in a variety of languages including Tocharian and Saka (both Khotanese, and Tumshuqese). Clauson actively engaged in unraveling their philologies, as well as Chinese Buddhist texts in the Tibetan script.

Clauson also worked on the Tangut language, and in 1938–1939 wrote a Skeleton dictionary of the Hsi-hsia language. The manuscript copy is held at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, and was published as a facsimile edition in 2016.

In 1919 he began work in the British Civil Service, which was to culminate in serving as the Assistant Under-Secretary of State in the Colonial Office, 1940–1951, in which capacity he chaired the International Wheat Conference, 1947, and International Rubber Conference, 1951. After his mandatory retirement at age 60, he switched to a business career and in time served as chairman of Pirelli, 1960–1969.

A partially filled notebook containing Sir Gerard Clauson's Notes on Kashgari's Divan lugat at-Turk [VHM:   the first comprehensive dictionary of Turkic languages] and other cognate subjects (1072-74) is held at the Cadbury Research Library, University of Birmingham.

(Wikipedia)

If we're talking about someone who knew difficult languages and mind-numbing scripts, it was Clauson.  He authoritatively knew whereof he spoke.

 

Nikita Kuzmin

He completed his PhD at the University of Pennsylvania in 2023 on the following subject:

"Pilgrimage in Tangut Xia:  Study of Tangut Epigraphy from Dunhuang and Tangut Woodblock Prints from Bezeklik".  (free PDF)

Abstract

This dissertation aims to examine the pilgrimage activities of the Tanguts in the 11th–13th centuries in the Hexi Corridor, based on the research of the two corpora of Tangut received textual materials – Buddhist inscriptions that pilgrims left on the walls of the Buddhist cave complexes of Mogao and Yulin and the fragments of Tangut Buddhist texts excavated from Bezeklik. Chapter 1 introduces various manifestations of pilgrimage and articulates features of Buddhist pilgrimage in multiple regions in Asia. Chapter 2 displays the historical and religious characteristics of Mount Wutai and the greater Dunhuang area, which played a crucial role in the establishment and development of Tangut Buddhism. It also discusses various external factors (Uyghur monks) that influenced the propagation of Buddhism among the Tanguts. In Chapter 3, I analyze the remained Tangut inscriptions from Mogao and Yulin caves and interpret them within corresponding historical and religious contexts. Based on the comparative research of the inscriptions, I argue the existence of a unified “inscriptional discourse” in the greater Dunhuang area in the 10th to 13th centuries. Chapter 4 discusses codicological and contextual features of a corpus of Tangut Buddhist woodblock prints from Bezeklik caves. In the end, the dissertation provides an English translation of 22 inscriptions and 12 pieces of Tangut woodblock prints.

To accomplish this arduous task, one of the first things I had Nikita do was go off to Kathmandu to study Classical Tibetan for a summer.  He already knew Mandarin (virtually native fluency) and Classical Chinese, Japanese, German, and his native Russian.  Oh, yes, and was fluent in English.

No, to all those doubting Thomases out there who think that mostly logographic scripts like Tangut and Chinese are as simple and precise as the Latin or Greek alphabet, they are not.

If you only have one year to learn a new script, don't try Tangut or Chinese.

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to Leslie Katz]

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Posted by Victor Mair

"Constructed Languages Are Processed by the Same Brain Mechanisms as Natural Languages." Malik-Moraleda, Saima, et al. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 122, no. 12 (March 17, 2025): e2313473122.

Significance

What constitutes a language has been of interest to diverse disciplines—from philosophy and linguistics to psychology, anthropology, and sociology. An empirical approach is to test whether the system in question recruits the brain system that processes natural languages. Despite their similarity to natural languages, math and programming languages recruit a distinct brain system. Using fMRI, we test brain responses to constructed languages (conlangs)—which share features with both natural languages and programming languages—and find that they are processed by the same brain network as natural languages. Thus, an ability for a symbolic system to express diverse meanings about the world—but not the recency, manner, and purpose of its creation, or a large user base—is a defining characteristic of a language.

Abstract

What constitutes a language? Natural languages share features with other domains: from math, to music, to gesture. However, the brain mechanisms that process linguistic input are highly specialized, showing little response to diverse nonlinguistic tasks. Here, we examine constructed languages (conlangs) to ask whether they draw on the same neural mechanisms as natural languages or whether they instead pattern with domains like math and programming languages. Using individual-subject fMRI analyses, we show that understanding conlangs recruits the same brain areas as natural language comprehension. This result holds for Esperanto (n = 19 speakers) and four fictional conlangs [Klingon (n = 10), Na’vi (n = 9), High Valyrian (n = 3), and Dothraki (n = 3)]. These findings suggest that conlangs and natural languages share critical features that allow them to draw on the same representations and computations, implemented in the left-lateralized network of brain areas. The features of conlangs that differentiate them from natural languages—including recent creation by a single individual, often for an esoteric purpose, the small number of speakers, and the fact that these languages are typically learned in adulthood—appear to not be consequential for the reliance on the same cognitive and neural mechanisms. We argue that the critical shared feature of conlangs and natural languages is that they are symbolic systems capable of expressing an open-ended range of meanings about our outer and inner worlds.

Pursuing the questions raised in this paper will help us distinguish between linguistic and non-linguistic domains of intellectual inquiry — math, music, art….

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to Ted McClure]

Crosswalk protest art

Apr. 16th, 2025 01:44 pm
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Posted by Mark Liberman

Last weekend, a number of crosswalk buttons in Silicon Valley were hacked so as to play (faked) messages from Mark Zuckerberg and Elon Musk. This got lots of (social and mass) media coverage — for one useful summary, see Zoe Morgan, "Silicon Valley crosswalk buttons apparently hacked to imitate Musk, Zuckerberg voices", Palo Alto Online 4/12/2025, or check out various other sources

Some audio samples:





Today's AI synthesis and voice morphing technology makes it easy to create such clips — and crosswalk buttons are not the only possible medium to be hacked.

And of course there will be targets from other regions of the political and cultural space.

Update —
Apparently the same sort of thing happened yesterday in Seattle: "'Please don’t tax the rich': Seattle crosswalk buttons hacked to sound like Jeff Bezos", 4/16/2025. Reddit has a sample video.

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April 16th, 2025next

April 16th, 2025: Over the weekend I went to the Kingston Symphony Orchestra where they played the soundtracks to Cuphead and Celeste as speedrunners played the game, matching the orchestra to the music. It was great! There are only a very few things not improved by adding a symphony orchestra and speedruns are not one of them!!

– Ryan

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Posted by Victor Mair

For the record:

"Do Inuit languages really have many words for snow? The most interesting finds from our study of 616 languages", The Conversation (4/10/25); rpt. in phys.org/news (4/13/25)

Authors:

Charles Kemp
Professor, School of Psychological Sciences, The University of Melbourne (PhD MIT)
Ekaterina Vylomova
Lecturer, Computing and Information Systems, The University of Melbourne (The University of Melbourne, PhD/Computational Linguistics)
Temuulen Khishigsuren
PhD Candidate, The University of Melbourne (National University of Mongolia, M.A. in linguistics)
Terry Regier
Professor, Language and Cognition Lab, University of California, Berkeley (Ph.D., Computer science, UC Berkeley, 1992; frequent co-author with Paul Kay; among his most-cited work is:

"Whorf hypothesis is supported in the right visual field but not the left",
Aubrey L. Gilbert; Terry Regier; Paul Kay; Richard B. Ivry.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America (2006)\

These two articles (The Conversation and phys.org/news) are journalistic accounts of the scientific study by Kemp, Vylomova, Khishigsuren, and Regier.

The full scientific paper is here:

Temuulen Khishigsuren et al, "A computational analysis of lexical elaboration across languages", Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (2025). DOI: 10.1073/pnas.2417304122

Journal information: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences

Significance

The vocabulary of any language emphasizes some areas more than others, and the number of terms for fish, cattle, smells, and other concepts varies across languages. Most work on lexical elaboration relies on manually compiled data, but we show how lexical elaboration can be measured using data from bilingual dictionaries, and use this measure to develop analyses of lexical elaboration that span hundreds of languages and thousands of concepts. Our work suggests several hypotheses about well-studied concepts (e.g. that smell terms are well developed in Oceanic languages), and opens up the investigation of concepts that are new to the literature on lexical elaboration (e.g. dance).
 

Abstract

Claims about lexical elaboration (e.g. Mongolian has many horse-related terms) are widespread in the scholarly and popular literature. Here, we show that computational analyses of bilingual dictionaries can be used to test claims about lexical elaboration at scale. We validate our approach by introducing BILA, a dataset including 1,574 bilingual dictionaries, and showing that it confirms 147 out of 163 previous claims from the literature. We then identify previously unreported examples of lexical elaboration, and analyze how lexical elaboration is influenced by ecological and cultural variables. Claims about lexical elaboration are sometimes dismissed as either obvious or fanciful, but our work suggests that large-scale computational approaches to the topic can produce nonobvious and well-grounded insights into language and culture.

Some highlights from the two journalistic articles cited above:

Languages are windows into the worlds of the people who speak them – reflecting what they value and experience daily.

So perhaps it’s no surprise different languages highlight different areas of vocabulary. Scholars have noted that Mongolian has many horse-related words, that Maori has many words for ferns, and Japanese has many words related to taste.

Some links are unsurprising, such as German having many words related to beer, or Fijian having many words for fish. The linguist Paul Zinsli wrote an entire book on Swiss-German words related to mountains.

One example of a concept we looked at was “horse”, for which the top-scoring languages included French, German, Kazakh and Mongolian. This means dictionaries in these languages had a relatively high number of

    1. words for horses. For instance, Mongolian аргамаг means “a good racing or riding horse”
    2. words related to horses. For instance, Mongolian чөдөрлөх means “to hobble a horse”.

Our findings support most links previously highlighted by researchers, including that Hindi has many words related to love and Japanese has many words related to obligation and duty.

We were especially interested in testing the idea that Inuit languages have many words for snow. This notorious claim has long been distorted and exaggerated. It has even been dismissed as the “great Eskimo vocabulary hoax”, with some experts saying it simply isn’t true.

But our results suggest the Inuit snow vocabulary is indeed exceptional. Out of 616 languages, the language with the top score for “snow” was Eastern Canadian Inuktitut. The other two Inuit languages in our data set (Western Canadian Inuktitut and North Alaskan Inupiatun) also achieved high scores for “snow”.

The Eastern Canadian Inuktitut dictionary in our dataset includes terms such as kikalukpok, which means “noisy walking on hard snow”, and apingaut, which means “first snow fall”.

The top 20 languages for “snow” included several other languages of Alaska, such as Ahtena, Dena'ina and Central Alaskan Yupik, as well as Japanese and Scots.

Scots includes terms such as doon-lay, meaning “a heavy fall of snow”, feughter meaning “a sudden, slight fall of snow”, and fuddum, meaning “snow drifting at intervals”.

You can explore our findings using the tool we developed, which allows you to identify the top languages for any given concept, and the top concepts for a particular language.

The top-scoring languages for “smell” include a cluster of Oceanic languages such as Marshallese, which has terms such as jatbo meaning “smell of damp clothing”, meļļā meaning “smell of blood”, and aelel meaning “smell of fish, lingering on hands, body, or utensils”.

Prior to our research, the smell terms of the Pacific Islands had received little attention.

Much to their credit, the authors are careful to issue a set of thoughtful caveats:

Although our analysis reveals many interesting links between languages and concepts, the results aren’t always reliable – and should be checked against original dictionaries where possible.

For example, the top concepts for Plautdietsch (Mennonite Low German) include von (“of”), den (“the”) and und (“and”) – all of which are unrevealing. We excluded similar words from other languages using Wiktionary, but our method did not filter out these common words for Plautdietsch.

Also, the word counts reflect both dictionary definitions and other elements, such as example sentences. While our analysis excluded words that are especially likely to appear in example sentences (such as “woman” and “father”), such words could have still influenced our results to some extent.

Most importantly, our results run the risk of perpetuating potentially harmful stereotypes if taken at face value. So we urge caution and respect while using the tool. The concepts it lists for any given language provide, at best, a crude reflection of the cultures associated with that language.

To conclude, one of my favorite Mongolian words is Morin Khuur (Mongolian: Морин хуур), which may be translated as "horse fiddle".

Soulful Mongolian Horsehead Fiddle | Coplans in China
 
The full Classical Mongolian name is Morin Tologhay'ta Quğur (Морин толгойтой хуур), meaning "fiddle with a horse's head".

See "Some Mongolian words for 'horse'" (11/7/19), a variorum post with observations and comments by more than two dozen specialists.

 

Selected readings

The claim that Eskimo words for snow are unusually numerous, particularly in contrast to English, is a cliché commonly used to support the controversial linguistic relativity hypothesis. In linguistic terminology, the relevant languages are the Eskimo–Aleut languages, specifically the Yupik and Inuit varieties.

The strongest interpretation of the linguistic relativity hypothesis, also known as the SapirWhorf hypothesis or "Whorfianism", posits that a language's vocabulary (among other features) shapes or limits its speakers' view of the world. This interpretation is widely criticized by linguists, though a 2010 study supports the core notion that the Yupik and Inuit languages have many more root words for frozen variants of water than the English language. The original claim is loosely based in the work of anthropologist Franz Boas and was particularly promoted by his contemporary, Benjamin Lee Whorf, whose name is connected with the hypothesis.[4][5] The idea is commonly tied to larger discussions on the connections between language and thought.

Franz Boas did not make quantitative claims but rather pointed out that the Eskaleut languages have about the same number of distinct word roots referring to snow as English does, with the structure of these languages tending to allow more variety as to how those roots can be modified in forming a single word. A good deal of the ongoing debate thus depends on how one defines "word", and perhaps even "word root".

The first re-evaluation of the claim was by linguist Laura Martin in 1986, who traced the history of the claim and argued that its prevalence had diverted attention from serious research into linguistic relativity. A subsequent influential and humorous, and polemical, essay by Geoffrey K. Pullum repeated Martin's critique, calling the process by which the so-called "myth" was created the "Great Eskimo Vocabulary Hoax". Pullum argued that the fact that the number of word roots for snow is about equally large in Eskimoan languages and English indicates that there exists no difference in the size of their respective vocabularies to define snow. Other specialists in the matter of Eskimoan languages and Eskimoan knowledge of snow and especially sea ice argue against this notion and defend Boas's original fieldwork amongst the Inuit, at the time known as Eskimo, of Baffin Island.

[Thanks to Hiroshi Kumamoto and Ross Presser]

Mawkishly maudlin

Apr. 14th, 2025 05:00 pm
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Posted by Victor Mair

Thirty-five or so years ago, Allyn Rickett (1921-2020), my old colleague at Penn, referred to a certain person as "pópomāmā 婆婆媽媽" ("mawkishly maudlin" [my translation of Rickett's Mandarin]; "old-lady-like").  This is such an unusual expression, and it so perfectly characterized the individual in question, that it's worth writing a post on it.

In the years around the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Rickett ("Rick") was in China doing research for his doctoral dissertation on the Guǎn Zǐ 管子 (Master Guan), a large and important politicophilosophical text reflecting the thought and practice of the Spring and Autumn period (c. 770-c. 481 BC), though the received version was not edited until circa 26 BC.  Rickett was accused of spying for the US Office of Naval Intelligence and imprisoned by the PRC government.  There he underwent four years of "struggle sessions".  Call them what you will, he had ample opportunity to become familiar with such colloquial terms as "pópomāmā 婆婆媽媽".

I should also note that Rickett, who was a student of the distinguished Sinologist, Derk Bodde (1909-2003), was an outstanding scholar in his own right, and his densely annotated translation of the Guan Zi is a monumental achievement, one that he worked on for most of his professional life.

Now, back to pópomāmā 婆婆媽媽.  First, let's break the four-syllable term down into its constituent monosyllables:

pó 婆

From Proto-Sino-Tibetan *pʷa-n ~ *bʷa-n (grandmother). Cognate with Burmese ဘွား (bhwa:, grandmother).

  1. old woman
  2. grandmother
  3. mother-in-law (of a woman); husband's mother
  4. woman in a particular profession
      ―  méi  ―  female matchmaker
  5. pejorative suffix for a woman
      ―  féi  ―  fat woman
  6. (ACG, neologism) Short for 老婆 (lǎopo, “wife”)

In transcriptions of Buddhist terms, (MC ba) is often used to transcribe Sanskrit (ba), (bha) and (va), e.g. 濕婆 / 湿婆 (Shīpó, Shiva).

(Wiktionary)

 

mā 媽

Colloquial form of (OC *mɯʔ, “mother”), from Proto-Sino-Tibetan *mow (woman, female).

  1. mom; mum: an affectionate term for a mother
      ―  Wǒ de ya!  ―  Oh my God! [Literally: Oh my Mom!]
  2. (usually with qualifier) other older female relatives or houseservants
  3. (religion) "The Mother", an epithet of the Fujianese sea goddess Mazu (媽祖妈祖).
  4. (obsolete, hapax legomenon) mare; female horse

(Wiktionary)

 

pópo 婆婆

  1. (chiefly Mandarin, Jin) mother-in-law (husband's mother)
  2. (Cantonese, dialectal Mandarin, dialectal Hakka, dialectal Jin, dialectal Wu, Taining Gan, Jianyang Northern Min, Shaowu Min) maternal grandmother
  3. (Gan, dialectal Mandarin, dialectal Xiang, dialectal Wu) paternal grandmother
  4. (dialectal) old woman
  5. (figurative, Mainland China) higher authorities; superior; leader

(Wiktionary)

 

māma / mǎmá 媽媽

  1. (informal) mum (mom); mama
    遵守媽媽叮嚀遵守妈妈叮咛  ―  zūnshǒu māma de dīngníng  ―  to follow mum's advice
    媽媽味道妈妈味道  ―  māma de wèidào  ―  the taste of mum's cooking
    媽媽總是向著妹妹
    妈妈总是向着妹妹
    Māma zǒngshì xiàngzhe mèimei. [Pinyin]
    Mum always favours my younger sister.
    這麼淘氣媽媽擔心才怪这么淘气妈妈担心才怪
    Nǐ zhème táoqì, māma bù dānxīn cáiguài! [Pinyin]
    You are such a naughty kid. It'd be surprising if your mum were not worried.
    一輩子媽媽監視
    一辈子妈妈监视
    Wǒ yībèizi dōu bèi māma jiānshì. [Pinyin]
    Mum has kept tabs on me all my life.
  2. (dialectal, colloquial) breast
  3. (ACG, figurative) character designer (female)

(Wiktionary)

 

Putting all four syllables back together, we get "pópomāmā 婆婆媽媽", which means "overly careful (like an old woman); womanishly garrulous; irresolute", and so forth.

Here's an interesting quotation illustrating its usage:

(Wiktionary)

 

The author of these sentences was Zhū Zìqīng 朱自清 (1898-1948), a famous poet and essayist of the Republican period.

Key terms, as rendered by online interpreters:

  • White people—God’s favorite (GT), 
  • White people — God's pride (Baidu)
  • Caucasians — the proud sons of God (MS Bing)
  • The white man — the pride of God (DeepL), plus three alternatives that vary only slightly

Zhu Ziqing had his finger on the pulse of the lingua franca of China during the first half of the 20th century (particularly the second quarter of that century).  When I began studying Mandarin in 1967, it was to that period that I looked for a model on which to base my own emerging idiolect.  The reason for this is that I thought it was the most vibrant vernacular of the century, certainly more lively and creative than the period in which I grew up and learned Mandarin.

Moreover, I had a strong antipathy to the characters, whether traditional or simplified, the former for being divorced from spoken language and the latter for being neither fish nor fowl.  So I turned to romanized missionary writings where I could learn delightful terms like shabulengdengde ("foolish; daffy") and pangdudu ("chubby").  When I was forced by my Mandarin teachers to learn characters, I preferred to do it through the literature of writers like Zhu Ziqing and Lao She (1899-1966), who stretched sinographic writing as close to alphabetic writing as it could go.  That's why I loved words like pópomāmā 婆婆媽媽 ("old-lady-like; anile") and niánniándādā 黏黏搭搭 ("sticky; irresolute; kleisty").

 

Selected readings

 

AI Sauce

Apr. 13th, 2025 10:12 pm
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Posted by Victor Mair

This should add some zest to the debate over AI.

She's not the only one.  I've seen a lot of people mix up AI and A1.

 

Selected readings

The last two posts together are definitive.

[h.t. François Lang]

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Posted by Victor Mair

Jeffrey Weng, "What Is Mandarin? The Social Project of Language Standardization in Early Republican China", Journal of Asian Studies, 77.3 (August 2018), 611-633.

Abstract

Scholars who study language often see standard or official languages as oppressive, helping the socially advantaged to entrench themselves as elites. This article questions this view by examining the Chinese case, in which early twentieth-century language reformers attempted to remake their society's language situation to further national integration. Classical Chinese, accessible only to a privileged few, was sidelined in favor of Mandarin, a national standard newly created for the many. This article argues that Mandarin's creation reflected an entirely new vision of society. It draws on archival sources on the design and promulgation of Mandarin from the 1910s to the 1930s to discuss how the way the language was standardized reflected the nature of the imagined future society it was meant to serve. Language reform thus represented a radical rethinking of how society should be organized: linguistic modernity was to be a national modernity, in which all the nation's people would have access to the new official language, and thus increased opportunities for advancement.

The first two paragraphs of the article:

The artificiality of China's standard language is no secret. Nonetheless, much of social and sociolinguistic theory until now has been devoted to unmasking the artificiality and arbitrariness of standard languages. But the arbitrariness of the Chinese standard was never hidden from public view. This language, which this essay will refer to simply as “Mandarin,” was deliberately designed in the early twentieth century to be distinct from any existing spoken vernacular. This new language, though based on the speech of Beijing, was different from it and every other regional or local speech in China, and it was designed to be the standard for the entire polyglot Chinese nation. Whereas Beijing speech was a language of a particular place spoken by a particular group of people, Mandarin was intended to be, within China, the language of all places and no particular place. Thus universalized, Mandarin could facilitate nationwide communication that previously had been stymied by the nation's extensive multilinguality.

The creation of a Chinese standard language, therefore, was a state-led nation-building project, meant to mold a motley collection of peoples into a unified national society. But what was to be the nature of this new society? One of the main goals of language reform in China was to create a standard language that was easier to learn and thus more widely accessible. This desire for a more accessible standard language represented a substantial departure from the previous language situation, in which the official language—Classical Chinese—was so difficult to learn that access was restricted to a small segment of society. The promulgation of a national standard language in the early twentieth century therefore represented an attempt to extend educational meritocracy from small segment of elites to all of society. I argue that the creation of a new language was intimately connected to the goal of a new social order.

The following paragraph has copious, up-to-date citations, the full details of which are given in the author's ample List of References.

In so arguing, I diverge from the approaches taken in a small but growing body of scholarship in addressing the question of Chinese language reform. Historians in the past few years have been particularly active in this area, reflecting a resurgence of interest in language in China that began in the United States with the landmark works of the linguist and sinologist John DeFrancis (Reference DeFrancis1950, Reference DeFrancis1984, Reference DeFrancis1989). David Moser (Reference Moser2016) has offered a fresh overview of how Mandarin came to be China's national language. Recent studies have also addressed the social history of the origins and growth of Mandarin, documenting the experiences of everyday people in their encounter with the new national language in sound, on the screen, and in print (J. Chen Reference Chen2013b, Reference Chen2015; Culp Reference Culp2008). Other historians have discussed the intellectual history behind the vernacular language movement and the promulgation of Mandarin in China before and after 1949 (Kaske Reference Kaske2008; J. Liu Reference Liu2016; Tam Reference Tam2016a, Reference Tam2016b). Among linguists, the study of Mandarin phonology has driven theory-building in generative linguistics (Duanmu Reference Duanmu2007), while work by sociolinguists has illuminated popular attitudes about language practices in China (C. Li Reference Li2004, Reference Li, Árokay, Gvozdanović and Miyajima2014; Peng Reference Peng2016). And one cannot overlook the rapid expansion of Sinophone studies and other significant work in comparative literature in the past three decades (Gunn Reference Gunn1991; L. Liu Reference Liu1995, Reference Liu2004; Shih Reference Shih2011; Tsu Reference Tsu2010; G. Zhou Reference Zhou2011).

A breath of fresh air!  "Mandarin" as a single language called into question.

I am in communication with a number of scholars (mostly young) who will soon be taking on the daunting challenge of deconstructing the whole idea of a monolithic Hànyǔ 漢語 ("Hannic"), which, faute de mieux, I sometimes call "Sinitic".  The notion of a mammoth, integral language called "Chinese" is long gone.

 

Selected readings

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Every year on April 12 the world celebrates Yuri's Night, or the International Day of Human Spaceflight. The spotlight is on Yuri Gagarin who, on 12 April 1961, became the first human to come back from space. But this year I want to turn the spotlight on a lesser known person in the history of spaceflight: his wife, Valentina Ivanovna Goryacheva. 

Valentina Gargarina, wearing glasses and a high bun, sombre expression
Image credit: Alexander Mokletsov / Sputnik

In doing this I'm using a classic feminist method, to ask whose stories are not being told, and to centre a female perspective. 

The young graduates

Valentina Ivanovna Goryacheva was born in the Russian city of Orenburg on December 15, 1935, the youngest of six children. Orenburg is located on the banks or the Ural river, close to the border with Kazakhstan. She was ten years old when WWII ended. Fortunately the city was far from the German invading forces. 

She worked at the Orenburg Telegraph before starting a degree at the Orenburg State Medical University, but it's not clear whether she became a medical doctor or a medical technician. One account says she trained as a paramedic; in Burgess and Hall (2009), she says she was training as a nurse. Her daughter certainly referred to her as a doctor, and Andrew Jenks, in his 2012 biography of Yuri, says she studied medicine. Her work, however, seems to have been in biochemistry rather than medical practice.

She met Yuri Gagarin in May 1957 when he was finishing his cadetship at the Orenburg Higher Military Aviation School for Pilots. Valentina says they met during the May Day celebrations in Moscow's Red Square, where she was part of a nurse's gymnastics brigade. However, she also attended dances at the pilot's school. She was 22 and Yuri was 23. It was a swift courtship. They married in October 1957, the same month Sputnik 1 was launched. The marriage took place in Valentina's parent's residence at 35 Chicherina Street in Orenburg, and they lived there too, sharing a room with her parents.

In November 1957, Yuri was commissioned as a lieutenant in the Soviet Air Forces, and posted close to Murmansk for two years. Valentina joined him later and gave birth to Elena in April 1959, in the chilly conditions of the Arctic circle (Doran 1998: 27).

Stars on the horizon

Yuri was admitted to the Soviet Space Programme later in 1959 and they moved to MoscowA new Cosmonaut Training Centre was opened in June 1960 near the Chkalovskaya airfield, and the cosmonauts and their families moved there along with all the civil and military personnel who worked at the facility. This facility later became known as Zvezdny Gorodok or Star City. Valentina took a job in the Mission Control Centre's Medical Directorate laboratory, which was in Moscow, and became pregnant again.

The original cosmonaut cohort was 20 men. Marina Popovich, herself a formidable pilot, was married to cosmonaut Pavel Popovich. She recalled: 'All of the wives thought that their husband would go first. You felt a hope, a fear, and a feeling of awe. It was an unbelievable sense of pride and wonder.'

In early April 1961, Yuri was selected to be the first human in space. Elena was two years old and Galina was just over a month old. When he left for the Baikonur launch site, he took with him a framed photo of Valentina (Burchett and Purdy 1961:23). On April 12, 1961, he orbited Earth in a Vostok spacecraft. It's difficult to feel now the uncertainty of this moment. Despite the launch of numerous animals, insects and plants into orbit, no-one really knew how the human body and mind would react. And the world was watching.

Valentina's watch

There are different stories about what happened next. I'm going to look at them through the lens of how they were reported in Australian press.

On Friday 14 April 1961 two days after the flight, The Canberra Times ran a story on page 1:
Meanwhile Gagarin's shy, hazel-eyed wife Valentina and their two children await his return to their modest two-roomed flat, which he left several days ago without saying where he was going.

Special Task
The Government newspaper Izvestia quoted Valentina as saying she knew her husband had been training for a special task, but he did not tell her what it was. "He did not want to worry me because I was going to be a mother," she said.

Valentina's first news of her husband's achievement came when a woman neighbour rushed into the flat and told her to switch on the radio because they were broadcasting about him.

Canberra Times, Monday 17 April 1961     

Picture of Elena's face wearing a bonnet;  

Valentina's face leaning against one

hand.                                                             



If Valentina didn't know it was Yuri who had been selected, it does seem odd that photographers were on the scene to snap her and the family as they waited. These images were part of the press package released to the world. The photo of Valentina with her face in her hand has become famous. 

It was important that Gagarin be presented as an ordinary person. He said in a press conference, reported by The Canberra Times on Monday 17 April 1961, 'I am an ordinary Soviet man, born on a collective farm. No princes of any kind are in my background'. Just as he had to be an ordinary man, so Valentina had to be an ordinary Soviet woman, shy and peasant-like.

This ordinariness was how the Australian Women's Weekly portrayed Valentina in a feature story on May 3, focusing on her.

'One of the proudest and most admired women in the world today is a dark-haired, unassuming young mother of two, with the romantic name of Valentina. 
UNTIL two weeks ago, this young mother was just another Russian housewife. Now Valentina Gagarin's face has been televised and radioed around the globe'.

In this version of the story, Yuri has told Valentina beforehand; so she knew he was going into space. Krushchev apparently asked him if he had told her, and he was adamant that he had. Galina recalls that she knew what was going to happen, but not the exact day.

The feature story reports that Krushchev has credited her 'great soul' as part of Yuri's courage. She was the perfect wife in public: 'In every action there was happy pride, but not one of her gestures were awkward, affected or presumptuous. They were the movements of a woman who feels completely secure in herself and her husband'.

It also states that she trained to be a nurse at the Orenburg Medical School. It was not unusual for Soviet women to be doctors; but in Australia at the time, men were doctors and women were nurses.

Valentina performed a rite of womanhood here, just as the Apollo wives would a few years later: waiting for their man to come back alive from danger, prepared with a winding cloth if he should not.

The letter

When Yuri made his historic spaceflight, he wrote a letter to Valentina in case he never made it back.  This is what it said (in English translation):

Hello, my sweet and much loved Valechka, Lenochka and Galochka

Here I’ve decided to write you a few lines to share the joy and happiness I felt today. Today a governmental commission decided to send me first to space. You know, dear Valyusha, I’m so happy; I want you to be happy with me. A simple man has been trusted such a big national task – to blaze the trail into space! Is there anything bigger to wish for? This is history, a new age!

The day after tomorrow is the launch. You’ll be doing you regular things then. It’s a very big task lying on my shoulders. I wish I had a chance to be with you for a little while before it, to talk to you. Alas, you are far away. But nevertheless I always feel you by my side.

I trust the hardware completely. It will not fail. But it happens that a man falls right on a level ground and breaks his neck. Some accident may happen here too. I personally don’t believe it would happen. But if it does, I ask you all and you, Valyusha, in the first place not to waste yourself with grief. Life is life, and nobody is safe from being run over by a car.

Take care of our girls; love them like I do. Please, raise them not as some lazy mommy’s girls, but real persons who can handle anything life throws at them. Make them worthy of the new society – communism. The state will help you do it.

As for your personal life, settle it the way your heart tells you, the way you feel right. I hold no obligation from you and I don’t think I have a right for it.

This letter seems too gloomy. I don’t feel like it. I hope you’ll never see this letter, and I’ll never have to be ashamed for this moment of weakness of mine. But if something goes wrong, you have to know it all. So far I lived an honest, rightful life; I served the people, even though this service was a little one.

In my childhood I read Valery Chkalov’s [legendary test pilot] words: ‘If being, then be first’. Well, I’m trying to be one and I will be to the end. I want, Valechka, to dedicate my flight to the people of the new society, communism, which we are about to become part of, to our great motherland, to our science.

I hope in a few days we will be together again and will be happy. Valechka, please, don’t forget my parents, and if you have an opportunity give them a helping hand. Send them my biggest greetings and ask their forgiveness for my keeping them unaware; they are not supposed to know anything.

This seems to be all. Goodbye, my dears. I embrace you all tight and kiss you. Your dad and Yura. 10 April, 1961.
There's so much I could say about this letter but I'll leave it up to you to interpret.
Well, he wrote a letter for my mother saying that it was likely he wouldn't return, because the flight was very dangerous, and that he wanted her not to remain alone in that case. But he didn't give her the letter. She found it by chance among his things when he came back. He hadn't wanted her to find it, and told her that she should throw it away. But of course, she kept it.

After the spaceflight

As much as Yuri's life changed after he returned, so did Valentina's. She sat with Yuri and USSR leader Nikita Krushchev as they drove through the streets of Moscow in an open-topped car, cheered by adoring crowds. Initially, Yuri's mother came to help out with the children, and then they employed a nurse/nanny to stay in.

Valentina was awarded the Order of Lenin. She appeared with Yuri at official events and there were interviews and photos with the whole family. She travelled with Yuri on at least some of his post-spaceflight world tour over the next couple of years. This included India, Afghanistan and Japan. Here is a photo of her meeting the Japanese Prime Minister in 1962.

Valentina Gargarina shakes hands with the Japanese Prime Minister, while Yuri looks on.

Valentina and Yuri went to the opera (they saw Turandot in the Bolshoi Theatre for example), and they attended the wedding of Valentina Tereshkova on November 3, 1963. Many famous people visited the family. Despite being represented as a shy, retiring homebody, Valentina presided over a house always full of visitors. They entertained a lot.

It was not all plain sailing though. So-called 'womanising', drinking and violence to women were rife amongst the cosmonaut corps (Fraser and Tonkykh 2021). Program manager Nikolai Kamanin's diaries, full of gossip about the cosmonauts and their marriages, reveal a couple of incidents where Yuri was actively nasty to Valentina. He said that Yuri did not respect her and sometimes put her down (Fraser and Tonkykh 2021: 67).

Yuri got lots of female attention. Valentina caught Yuri in the bedroom of a nurse during a holiday in a Crimean resort with the other cosmonauts in September 1961, which must have been very painful. Yuri jumped from a second floor balcony to escape detection, and injured his face, leaving a permanent scar on his left eyebrow.  Valentina was distraught (Jenks 2011: 118): 

When Kamanin went out into the courtyard, he saw Gagarin lying on a bench, his face covered in blood and a gaping wound over his left eye. Gagarin’s wife was screaming, “He is dying!”

In some accounts, Yuri was forced to wear a fake eyebrow for a few weeks to cover up the injury (what). By now, the cosmonauts' behaviour had got out of hand. Yuri and Gherman Titov were severely disciplined at a November 14 Communist Party meeting, for 'acknowledged cases of excessive drinking, loose behavior towards women, and other offenses', according to space historian Asif Siddiqi (2000:295).

Divorce was on the cards for more than one cosmonaut couple. But whatever Valentina felt, providing evidence that the First Cosmonaut's life was not perfect would not have been an option.

Valentina did not see that much of Yuri since he had so many responsibilities. Galina noted in an interview in 2011 that 'he didn’t have much time to spend with the family. But we always spent every vacation together, and every Sunday, when he could, we would go to the countryside or visit someone.'

In photos taken for publicity in the 1960s, Valentina is often wearing glasses and has long hair braided into a chignon, or occasionally a beehive hairdo. She looks stylish in an understated way.

Yuri, Valentina, Elena and Galina at home in a striking red lounge suite. Elena is on the phone while Galina sits on Yuri's lap. Valentina is wearing a white dress with a beehive bun. The girls wear red and white and there is a vase a red and a white rose in it on the coffee table.
Image credit: Alexander Mokletsov /Sputnik

The year after Yuri's flight, the women cosmonauts came to Star City. Valentina became friends with Valentina Tereshkova, who became the first woman in space in 1963.

Yuri was the Deputy Training Director of the Centre from December 1963, and later the Director. As such he may have been Valentina's boss. At the least their work lives must have overlapped a great deal. 

But it all came to an abrupt end. Yuri died in a plane crash on 27th March 1968. Valentina learned about the tragedy the next day. According to Elena, 

Mom had a stomach ulcer, and she had just had an operation. Mom's sister stayed with us for the spring break. Then they brought Mom home from the hospital, and people started coming into the house. All in black. I think she had a poor idea of ​​what was happening.

They had been married for 11 years. Sometime later, she opened the letter written to her in 1961, had he not survived: a message from beyond two graves.

Life after death

After Yuri's death, Valentina stayed in the apartment with their daughters, who attended school with the other children of Star City personnel. According to Wikipedia, a statue of Yuri clutching a daisy in his palm could be seen from her fourth floor apartment windows. 

She didn't give any interviews. She was seen as shy and reclusive. She received a lifetime pension from the government but continued to work as a biochemist in the cosmonaut training centre.  

She kept Yuri's large macaw. 

What.

I found this reference to the macaw in a Russian article from 2018:
Gagarina is said to have a large macaw parrot, which her famous husband got. At that time, the bird was already 30 years old, and now it is over 80. But parrots of this breed can live for 150 years. The bird brightens up the loneliness of its owner.
The ara or scarlet macaw is native to large parts of South America, and Yuri had travelled there following his spaceflight. He went to Cuba on July 26 1961, then went on to Brazil on July 29. It's not clear if Valentina was with him. Caterina's (2020) account of the visit doesn't mention any gifts but it seems likely that the macaw was a result of this trip. What a journey to Moscow it must have had.

Valentina seems to have loved birds - she had birdfeeders hanging in the garden and went out every morning to feed them. 

In 1969, the building Valentina's parents had lived in, in Orenburg, was turned into the Yuri Gagarin Museum. Valentina donated Yuri's personal things to the museum in 1976. They included his full dress jacket, awards, documents, presents, and the special editions of Soviet newspapers from April 12–13, commemorating his flight, which she had kept all this time. Maybe the boomerang presented to Yuri by Australian journalist Wilfrid Burchett's father was among the presents.
But it wasn't all about Yuri. The room the Goryachev family lived in was made a 'memorial interior', as was the communal kitchen they used. The domestic, personal side of the couple was also there: 'The exhibits include authentic items from the first cosmonaut's family, such as a bedspread, curtains embroidered by Valentina Gagarina, and her dresses from the 1950s-1970s, which were donated to the museum'.
Over time Star City grew from a small facility into a huge training centre. There were shops, cinemas, theatres, schools, sporting facilities. In 1973, five years after Yuri's death, the first American astronauts were welcomed. There were about 3,000 people living there in the 1970s. On Yuri's 50th anniversary, Michael Cassut, writing for the Smithsonian, noted: 
Over its lifetime, the center has trained more than 120 crews for launches on Vostok, Voskhod, and Soyuz spacecraft, or for trips to Mir and the International Space Station on the U.S. space shuttle. Most of the trainees have been citizens of the Soviet Union and Russia, but graduates of the center include more than 140 Americans, Europeans and Japanese, half a dozen Chinese astronauts, and all the world’s space tourists, from U.S. millionaires Dennis Tito and two-time flier Charles Simonyi to Canada’s Guy Laliberté and Iranian-born Anousheh Ansari.
Valentina was living through these changes to the space programme. It's not clear if she interacted with the influx of international space travellers, although all reports make mention of her famous shyness and reclusiveness. Valentina Tereshkova, however, always visited on her birthday and brought her a bunch of roses.

Letters to Valentina, Elena and Galina poured in from all over the world, long after Yuri's death. They were all kept in Valentina's flat. Some sent photos to go in the family archive.

She published a book of memoirs about her husband called '108 Minutes and a Lifetime' in 1981. In this book, she spoke of Yuri's positive qualities. But she did not gloss over things either, saying that he was often 'devilishly tired, upset and even angry' (Jenks 2011:121). She wrote a second book called 'Every year on April 12'. Sadly, these memoirs have not been translated and I have relied on second-hand reports about what they said. Ironically, her memoirs are usually used as evidence about his life, not hers.

Cover of 108 Minutes and a Lifetime. Black with partial blue circle containing a headshot of Yuri in his space suit helmet.  Image credit: Vintage Odessa Shop
https://www.etsy.com/au/shop/VintageOdessaShop?ref=nla_listing_details

In 2011, she was awarded the Order of Gagarin, and in 2017, she was made an Honorary Citizen of the Moscow Region. On the 50th anniversary of Yuri's flight in 2011, Valentina was in her 70s and had retired. 

This video shows Valentina at many points in her life, including Yuri's funeral and the 50th anniversary celebrations.


The madonna of Star City

Yuri was not forgotten but family members had different ideas about what this meant:
They have a wonderful family tradition - to gather every year on Yuri Alekseevich's birthday for a modest feast in an apartment in Star City and indulge in memories of the great husband, father and grandfather. "When Katya [Yelena's daughter] was still a teenager, she once said at the family table that her grandmother was the happiest person in their family, because she had met such a man in her life that she had never needed anyone else. Valentina Ivanovna was surprised by these words at first, but then agreed: "In general, Katya, you are right," Gagarin's niece Tatyana Filatova wrote about those meetings in her memoirs.

Jenks has noted (2011:131) 'Those close to Gagarin, including the Russian Federation government, cling ferociously to the ideal image of Gagarin'. Some family members vigorously resist any attempt to paint him as less than a saint.

Valentina's surprise at Katya's comment suggests that she didn't think of herself, or Yuri, in this way at all. 

She did not remarry. Much is made of this fact; it's mentioned in all the biographies. A purity was expected of her as if she had been sacralised by intimacy with the first man in space. As Allen Abell reported on the 50th anniversary, she tells her friends that she is tending to 'a fragile and perhaps still-broken heart'. Fragile, maybe, but was the 'still-broken' part of the expectation?

Viktor Gorbatko, one of the original 20 cosmonauts, told Allen Abell that 'She was more of the home type'. In most accounts she was a homebody who shied away from the spotlight, in keeping with the simple peasant girl ideology.  But this is the woman who met heads of state, became a single mother at the age of 33, and worked as a doctor and scientist for three decades or more. Maybe there is more to be said.

Star City was not an easy place to live in the 1960s. This is how Michael Csssut describes it:
During the glory days of the 1960s, residents had special access to food and consumer goods, and lived in apartments that were double the standard Soviet size. The price for these privileges was submission to strict military and KGB control.
Maybe Valentina wasn't shy, this woman who navigated single motherhood and global fame. Maybe she was strategic, with the Communist Party no doubt monitoring her closely, and a new party leader - Brezhnev - who wasn't as glamoured by the cosmonauts as Krushchev had been. Maybe one marriage enchained to a man was enough. 

The space medicine pioneer

The detail that she worked at the Mission Control Centre's medical laboratory is repeated in all the articles but no-one says what this means. Nor is there any mention if she continued to work there after moving to Star City or transferred to one of the other facilities. This aspect of her life is glossed over in both English and Russian sources (those I've been able to find). I imagine she may then have been employed at the cosmonaut training centre. 
So I am going to interpret this, read between the lines, and talk of it as her chosen career.
She was a space scientist, working on biomedical aspects of the Soviet space programme for her whole working life. She was working in the nascent field of space medicine, only about a decade old at that time. She may have been involved in the medical assessment, pre- and post-flight, of the male and female cosmonauts. The laboratory workplace and her degree suggests human sample testing and I'm sure I have seen a photo of her in a white lab coat with a microscope! I can't find it now, alas.
There was much a biochemist might have worked on in the space programme. There were research institutions all over Russia working on different aspects of this, as a top-secret CIA report enumerated in 1962; but at Star City they were in direct contact with the cosmonauts. Her experience with different crews over the decades would have been impressive.
Siddiqi talks about the establishment of Soviet space biomedicine described in a series of declassified Soviet documents from the late 1950s and 1960s. In 1958, biomedicine specialists requested the expansion of research and a new institute for space medicine from Soviet leadership, leading to the Institute of Aviation and Space Medicine. Siddiqi says, 'This institute would later become the main force behind the selection and training of the first cosmonauts'. It's likely this one described in the CIA report:
Soviet Air Force Scientific Research Testing Institute of Aviation Medicine at Chkalovskaya Air Fields, 40 kilometers northeast of Moscow. Director unknown. This center, probably the second most important aeromedical research center, is equipped with two pressure chambers, two human centrifuges, and an ejection seat catapult probably of German World War 11 origin. Research has been done on pressure suits, preflight oxygen breathing, flight indoctrination and anti-G suits. 
The first director in 1960 was flight surgeon Yevgeny Karpov, who presumably became Valentina's first boss.

Burgess and Hall (2009) talk about how the Cosmonaut Training Centre was set up:

Karpov’s appointment as head of the cosmonaut training centre was approved 
on 24 February 1960. He quickly set to the task of working out how many specialists 
and workers would be needed to staff the facility. As Kamanin recalled in his diaries, 
Karpov submitted a proposal requesting a planned personnel of 250 people, but his 
application met with understandable scepticism. “The deputy chief of the Air Force, 
F.A. Agaltsov, smiled, appreciating the boldness of the 38-year-old colonel, and 
reduced the staff to 70 people. Marshal Konstantin A. Vershinin listened first to 
the colonel, then to the Colonel-General, and said to Agaltsov: ‘You, Filip 
Aleksandrovich, don’t know how they will train, and neither does he.’ The Marshal 
pointed to Karpov: ‘Look out. You must value this.’ And he confirmed the 250 
personnel.” 

The centre would be organized into a number of departments headed by Vladimir 
A. Kovalov, Nikolai F. Nikiryasov (in charge of political activities), Yevstafi Y. 
Tselikin (in charge of flight training), A.I. Susoyev and Grigori G. Maslennikov. 
Medical specialists included Grigori Khlebnikov, H.K. Yeshanov (optic physiol¬ 
ogist), A.A. Lebedev (specialist of heat-exchange and hygiene), l.M. Arzhanov 
(otolaryngologist), M.N. Mokrov (surgeon), V.A. Barutenko (oculist-surgeon), 
A.S. Antoshchenko (hygiene systems, spacesuits, survival clothing), A.V. Nikitin 
(therapist, attached to the cosmonauts for constant medical monitoring), 
A.V. Beregovkin and others. The two senior trainers were Colonel Mark L. Gallai 
and Colonel Leonid I. Goreglyad, both Heroes of the Soviet Union. 

It's likely that Valentina was one of these 250 personnel but which section she worked in I can't discover with the sources available to me.

Did the other wives have careers too? It was usual for Soviet women to have an education and to work. Childcare was provided by the State. Marina Popovich, a pilot, was admitted to the cosmonaut programme only to be told that they weren't going to send a married woman to space (after two months of training). Her husband Pavel flew in 1962. He resented his wife's career and success deeply. Viktor Gorbatko's wife Valentina Pavlovna Ordynskayar was a gynaecologist. Vladimir Komarov's wife Valentina Yakovlevna Kiselyova was a graduate of the Grozny Teachers' Training Institute. Valery Bykovsky met his wife Valentina Mikhailovna Sukhova at Star City; later she became a historian in the museum there. Valentin Bondarenko was married to a medical worker, Galina Semenova Rykova. Many of the cosmonauts were single, but many were also newly married, and their wives were pre-occupied with new children. 

So, many of the wives of those first cosmonauts had qualifications, but maybe not all had skills that could be utilised directly in the space programme. This gives some context to the work environment Valentina entered.

Of course, after that first intake of female cosmonauts, Russia basically excluded women from spaceflight with some limited exceptions. I once chaired a cosmonaut panel event in which a retired cosmonaut trainer said 'Space is no place for a woman' (the Australian audience did not react well and I had to shut discussion down fast). Even if Valentina did have ambitions in that direction, they could not be realised.

Valentina stayed on Earth but she was a space pioneer nevertheless.

Coda

Elena became director of the Kremlin State Museum. Galina is a professor of economics at Plekhanov University in Moscow.
Valentina Ivanovna Gagarina died on March 17 2020, at the age of 85, having failed to recover from a stroke.

Note
I've done my best with limited English-language resources, but no doubt there are many inaccuracies. I used the Google 'translate' function to access some Russian news stories.
In using a feminist methodology to write this, I have, for example, changed passive words to active words, so that things didn't just 'happen' to Valentina; she made them happen or made a decision. I've questioned the 'party line' about what she was like and tried not to use the common phrases and words applied to her. I also want to note the power of simply giving women their names.
And apologies for the weird formatting! I tried and tried to fix it without success.

References

Doran, Jamie 1998 Starman: The Truth Behind the Legend of Yuri Gagarin (50th Anniversary Edition). New York: Walker and Company
Burchett, Wilfrid and Anthony Purdy 1961 Cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin. First Man in Space. London: Panther
Burgess, Colin and Rex Hall 2009 The First Soviet Cosmonaut Team. Their Lives, Legacy, and Historical Impact. Springer
Caterina, Gianfranco 2020 Gagarin in Brazil: reassessing the terms of the Cold War domestic political debate in 1961. Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 63 (1), e004, Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais DOI: https://doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329202000104
Fraser, Erica and Kateryna Tonkykh 2021 Cosmonaut gossip. Socialist masculinity as private-public performance in the Kamanin diaries. aspasia 15(1): 61–80 doi:10.3167/asp.2021.150105
Jenks, Andrew 2011 The sincere deceiver. Yuri Gagarin and the search for a higher truth. In James T. Andrews and Asif A. Siddiqi (eds) Into the Cosmos. Space Exploration and Soviet Culture, pp 107-132. Pittsburgh, Pa: University of Pittsburgh Press
Jenks, Andrew 2012 The Cosmonaut Who Couldn’t Stop Smiling: The Life and Legend of Yuri Gagarin. DeKalb, IL : NIU Press
Siddiqi, Asif 2000 Challenge to Apollo: the Soviet Union and the Space Race, 1945-1974. Washington, D.C.: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, NASA History Div., Office of Policy and Plans


Mandarin disyllabism for beginners

Apr. 11th, 2025 09:32 pm
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Posted by Victor Mair

tā jiǎng dé hěn qīngchǔ
她講得很清楚

tā jiǎng dé fēicháng qīngchǔ
她講得非常清楚

tā jiǎng dé tèbié qīngchǔ
她講得特別清楚

tā jiǎng dé shífēn qīngchǔ
她講得十分清楚

tā jiǎng dé qīngqīngchǔchǔ
她講得清清楚楚

tā jiǎng dé qīngchǔ de bùdéliǎo
她講得清楚得不得了

tā jiǎng dé bùnéng zài qīngchǔle
她講得不能再清楚了
("She couldn't have explained it more clearly"

All seven sentences say the same thing, "She explained it clearly", with various nuances. This is a language learning game I like to play to show how much flexibility there can be in Mandarin expressions.

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to John Rohsenow]

yond dinosaur comics

Apr. 11th, 2025 12:00 am
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April 11th, 2025: It's a whole productive class of locative adverbs! Okay maybe not productive... YET??

– Ryan

Romanized Japanese Bible translation

Apr. 10th, 2025 03:21 pm
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Posted by Victor Mair

The Portuguese were the first Europeans to arrive in Japan in 1543, establishing trade and cultural exchange, including the introduction of firearms and Christianity, which later led to persecution and the Sakoku (closed country) policy in the 17th century. (AIO)

For the impact of Portuguese missionaries on the study of East Asian languages and linguistics, see, for example:

W. South Coblin, Francisco Varo's Glossary of the Mandarin Language.  Vol. 1: An English and Chinese Annotation of the Vocabulario de la Lengua Mandarina Vol. 2: Pinyin and English Index of the Vocabulario de la Lengua Mandarina (London:  Routledge, 2006).

Abstract

Western missionaries contributed largely to Chinese lexicography. Their involvement was basically a practical rather than a theoretical one. In order to preach and convert, it was necessary to speak Chinese. A missionary on post needed to learn at least two languages, the national Guanhua, the "language of the officials" or "Mandarin," and the local vernacular. The first lexicographical work by missionaries was a Portuguese-Chinese dictionary compiled in the late 1500s by Francisco Varo (1627-1687), a Spanish Dominican based in the province of Fujian, was legendary for his superb mastery in Mandarin. His Vocabulario de la Lengua Mandarina, a Spanish-Chinese dictionary, is made available to modern readers in the present study, which is based on two manuscripts held in Berlin and London. Volume 1 contains the text of Varo's glossary, with English translations offered for all Spanish glosses and Chinese characters added for all Chinese forms. Volume 2 includes a pinyin index to all Chinese forms in the text and a selective index to the English translations of the Chinese glosses. The Vocabulario is mainly devoted to the spoken language, but includes literary forms as well. Varo was also sensitive to other matters of usage, e.g., questions of style, new expressions coined by the missionaries, specific expressions in Chinese and in European culture, Chinese customs and beliefs, and aspects of grammar. The Vocabulario is recommended for readers interested in Chinese linguistics, lexicography, Sino-Western cultural relations and the history of Christianity in China.

See also:   W. South Coblin and Joseph Abraham Levi, Francisco Varo's Grammar of the Mandarin Language (1703). An English Translation of 'Arte de la lengua mandarina' (Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 2000).

 

Selected readings

[h.t. Geoffrey Wade]

Rime / rhyme tables / charts

Apr. 10th, 2025 02:58 pm
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Posted by Victor Mair

In Chinese they are called yùntú 韻圖 / 韵图.  These tools are vitally important in the development of Sinitic phonology, but barely known outside of sinological specialists, so — for the history of world phonology — it is worthwhile to introduce them to linguists in general.

A rime table or rhyme table (simplified Chinese: 韵图; traditional Chinese: 韻圖; pinyin: yùntú; Wade–Giles: yün-t'u) is a Chinese phonological model, tabulating the syllables of the series of rime dictionaries beginning with the Qieyun (601) by their onsets, rhyme groups, tones and other properties. The method gave a significantly more precise and systematic account of the sounds of those dictionaries than the previously used fǎnqiè analysis, but many of its details remain obscure. The phonological system that is implicit in the rime dictionaries and analysed in the rime tables is known as Middle Chinese, and is the traditional starting point for efforts to recover the sounds of early forms of Chinese. Some authors distinguish the two layers as Early and Late Middle Chinese respectively.

The earliest rime tables are associated with Chinese Buddhist monks, who are believed to have been inspired by the Sanskrit syllable charts in the Siddham script they used to study the language. The oldest extant rime tables are the 12th-century Yunjing ('mirror of rhymes') and Qiyin lüe ('summary of the seven sounds'), which are very similar, and believed to derive from a common prototype. Earlier fragmentary documents describing the analysis have been found at Dunhuang, suggesting that the tradition may date back to the late Tang dynasty.

Some scholars, such as the Swedish linguist Bernhard Karlgren, use the French spelling rime for the categories described in these works, to distinguish them from the concept of poetic rhyme.

(Wikipedia)

We are fortunate to have an expert treatment of the rime / rhyme tables in The Chinese Rime TablesLinguistic philosophy and historical-comparative phonology, edited by David Prager Branner (Amsterdam and Philadelphia:  John Benjamins, 2006), viii, 358 pp. [Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 271]    https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.271

This book, the first in its field in a Western language, examines China’s native phonological tool with regard to reconstruction, theory, and linguistic philosophy.

After an introductory essay on the nature of the tables and the history of their interpretation, the book concentrates on three areas: application of rime table theory to reconstruction, the history of rime table theory, and the application of the tables to descriptive linguistics. An appendix details a number of 20th century systems for transcribing their phonology into Roman letters.

Major topics include Altaic contact-influence on Chinese, early native understanding of the tables’ meaning, the phonological work of Yuen Ren Chao, and Stammbaumtheorie/diasystemic thinking about Chinese. New reconstructions of Han and “Common Dialectal” phonology appear here, as do complete texts and translations of the Shouwen fragments and Yunjing preface.

Shouwen was a shadowy 9th-century Buddhist Chinese monk who has been credited with the invention of the analysis of Middle Sinitic as having 36 initials, later ubiquitously used by the rime tables.  One could say that he had created an abortive proto-alphabet for Sinitic, one that never bore fruit as an actual writing system.  I believe that was due to the strong path dependency of the deeply entrenched trimillennial sinographs.

    Introduction: What Are Rime Tables and What Do They Mean?
    David Prager Branner | pp. 1–34

    Part I: Rime-Tables in Chinese Reconstruction

    On the Principle of the Four Grades
    Abraham Chan | pp. 37–46

    The Four Grades: An Interpretation from the perspective of Sino-altaic language contact
    Chris Wen-Chao Li | pp. 47–58

    On Old Turkic Consonanticism and Vocalic Divisions of Acute Consonants in Medieval Hàn Phonology
    An-King Lim | pp. 59–82

    The Qièyùn System ‘Divisions’ as the Result of Vowel Warping
    Axel Schuessler | pp. 83–96

    Part II: The History of Rime Table Texts and Reconstruction

    Reflections on the Shouwen Fragments
    W. South Coblin | pp. 99–122

    Zhāng Línzhī on the Yùnjìng
    W. South Coblin | pp. 123–150

    Simon Schaank and the Evolution of Western Beliefs About Traditional Chinese Phonology
    David Prager Branner | pp. 151–167

    Part III: Rime Tables as Descriptive Tools

    How Rime-Book Based Analyses Can Lead Us Astray
    Richard VanNess Simmons | pp. 171–182

    Modern Chinese and the Rime Tables
    Jerry Norman | pp. 183–188

    Common Dialect Phonology in Practice.: Y.R. Chao’s Field Methodology
    Richard VanNess Simmons | pp. 189–208

    Some Composite Phonological Systems in Chinese
    David Prager Branner | pp. 209–232

    Common Dialectal Chinese
    Jerry Norman | pp. 233–254

    Appendix I: Pronunciation Guide to Boodberg's Alternative Grammatonomic Notation
    Gari K. Ledyard | pp. 255–264

    Appendix II: Comparative Transcriptions of Rime Table Phonology
    David Prager Branner | pp. 265–302

    Index of Biographical Names | pp. 327–332

    General Index | pp. 333–358

More recently, the Chinese scholar, Pān Wénguó 潘文国, published a two volume work titled Yùn tú kǎo 韵图考.  It was translated into English by Lǐ Zhìqiáng 李志強 (Andy Li), who was a visiting scholar at Penn a decade ago.

The Chinese Rhyme Tables , vol. 1 (London: Routledge, 2023). 

Abstract

As the first volume of a two- volume set that studies Chinese rhyme tables, this book focuses on their emergence, development, structure, and patterns. Rhyme tables are a tabulated tool constituted by phonological properties, which help indicate the pronunciation of sinograms or Chinese characters, marking a precise and systematic account of the Chinese phonological system. This volume first discusses the emergence of the model and factors that determined its formation and evolution, including the Chinese tradition of the rhyme dictionary and the introduction of Buddhist scripts. The second part analyzes the structure and arrangement patterns of rhyme tables in detail, giving insights into the nature of “division” (deng): the classification and differentiation of speech sounds, of vital significance in the reconstruction of middle Chinese. The author argues that deng has nothing to do with vowel aperture or other phonetic features but is a natural result of rhyme table arrangement. He also reexamines the principles for irregular cases (menfa rules) and categorizes the 20 rules into three types.

The book will appeal to scholars and students who are studying linguistics, Chinese phonology, and Sinology.

Pan Wenguo, The Chinese Rhyme Tables, vol. 2 (London: Routledge, 2023).

Abstract

As the second volume of a two-volume set that studies the Chinese rhyme tables, this book seeks to reconstruct the ancient rhyme tables based on the extant materials and findings.

A rhyme table is a tabulated tool constituted by phonological properties, which helps indicate the pronunciation of sinograms or Chinese characters, marking an accurate and systematic account of the Chinese phonological system. The book first explores the relationship and identifies the prototype of the extant rhyme tables. Then the principles and methods for collating and rebuilding the ancient rhyme table are introduced. It then looks at the general layout, including tables, table order, shè, zhuǎn, rhyme heading, rhyme order, light and heavy articulations, rounded and unrounded articulations, and initials. The final chapter presents the reconstructed rhyme tables with detailed annotations and add-on indexes.

The book will appeal to scholars and students studying Sinology, Chinese linguistics, and especially Chinese

Because these two volumes are primarily descriptive and narrative, I do not list the contents of their chapters as I did for the Branner volume, which is geared more to the ideas behind the rime tables and their philosophical significance, plus an abundance of pathbreaking papers written by the leading historical linguists of the day that focus on common topolectal features, extra-Sinitic associations, and other previously undiscussed aspects of the rime tables.

I asked Chris Button whether he preferred one or the other, "rime" or "rhyme" for these charts / tables.  He replied sensibly:

I would use onset vs rime in a linguistic sense, but I would use rhyme when referring to poetry. So, I would probably go with "rime table" since it's not specifically for poetic use.

To give you an idea of what these "rime tables" looked like and how they were structured, here's the first chart (of 43) from the Yùnjìng 韻鏡 (Mirror of Rimes; 1161, 1203):

The five big characters on the right-hand side read Nèi zhuǎn dìyī kāi (內轉第一開). In the Yùnjìng, each chart is called a zhuǎn (lit. 'turn'). The characters indicate that the chart is the first (第一) one in the book, and that the syllables of this chart are "inner" (內) and "open" (開).

The columns of each table classify syllables according to their initial consonant (shēngmǔ 聲母 lit. 'sound mother'), with syllables beginning with a vowel considered to have a "zero initial". Initials are classified according to

The order of the places and manners roughly match that of Sanskrit, providing further evidence of inspiration from Indian phonology.

(Wikipedia)

There you have it, a capsule introduction to the Chinese rime tables, which were as important for premodern Sinitic phonology as slide rules were for mathematical operations before the invention of digital calculators and computers.  The parallels are not perfect, but the idea of having once been an essential tool in a technical field and later having become obsolete is common to both.

 

Selected readings

[Thanks to South Coblin and Axel Schuessler]

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